András Arató ist eben nicht umsonst als „Hide the Pain“-Harold bekannt geworden. "Hide The Pain Harold" heißt in Wirklichkeit Andras Arato. Der jährige Elektrotechniker aus Ungarn wurde zufällig von einem Fotografen. Im Guardian erzählt András Arató, der Mensch hinter dem Meme, wie sein Nebenjob als Stockphoto-Model in den letzten fünf Jahren plötzlich.
Hide the Pain Harold sucht nach Investoren, um seinen Traum zu verwirklichenIm Guardian erzählt András Arató, der Mensch hinter dem Meme, wie sein Nebenjob als Stockphoto-Model in den letzten fünf Jahren plötzlich. András Arató ist eben nicht umsonst als „Hide the Pain“-Harold bekannt geworden. Arató András István lächelt in seinen Symbolbildern. Doch die Augen leiden.
András Arató Tartalomjegyzék VideoLiving-Memes reacting to their Living-Meme status #1 Sie befinden sich hier Startseite Web Capri Eis Kcal. Öffne deinen Podcast Feed in gpodder. Kreative Idee Mann wusste, dass er gefeuert wird — und brachte einen Clown zum Kündigungsgespräch mit
In all this, Arato sought to model himself on Marx by analyzing and criticizing the exploitative, hierarchical dimensions of the social formation.
He recognized, however, that the theoretical tools offered by Marx himself — that is, historical materialism — were often used by state socialist societies to veil their politically based class inequalities, not expose them.
Further, Arato argued that Marxian writers were typically trapped by the problematic of Marx's philosophy of history, which could only conceive of two possible modern industrialized social formations — either capitalism or a progressive socialist society.
Despite the richness of his efforts, Arato saw little connection between his exercises in social system analysis and active social movements aiming to transform state socialism.
This transition, where Arato left his work to the gnawing criticism of mice to repeat Marx's quip , paralleled similar shifts among East European critical intellectuals.
Arato noted that abstract ideal typical models of social system dynamics often failed to incorporate considerations of national histories and cultural traditions, along with inherited social institutions.
Furthermore, such analyses of systems reproduction dissecting the dynamics and instrumental logics of state and markets typically ignores the normative and institutionalized categories of the lifeworld and civil society that might support an autonomous social domain of solidarity and open public communication, which is also the terrain of social movements.
It is precisely to these ideal categories of social autonomy separate from the state, or civil society, that Arato shifted in his third stage.
By civil society, Arato and writers in Poland, Hungary, but also France and South America  meant a social space outside state or corporate control where groups and individuals could engage in something approximating free association and communication among equals.
This social space ideally entailed whole sets of laws, rights, and institutions to help secure individual autonomy and public freedom.
In civil society's fully developed modern form, Arato wrote, such a realm is protected by legal rights, possesses channels to influence the separate institutions of economy and state, and has a developed organizational life and media organizations to enhance social communication and strengthen social relations.
Nowhere were all these requirements fully met and the ideal of civil society thus offered a basis for social movements seeking to enrich and extend its ideals everywhere.
For Arato, this new focus on civil society constituted, in part, a rejection of the traditional Marxian problematic for a post-Marxist one. He and intellectuals in Eastern Europe criticized Marx's advocacy of a radical democratic reunification of state and society in a supposedly collective free social order.
They rejected Marx's idea of ending of the distinction of state and society or state and market , along with his conception of an unalienated collective subject, totally undivided and in control of itself.
The experience of Eastern Europe and Russia suggested this utopian merging of government and society inevitably resulted in authoritarian forms of rule.
It resulted either in the loss of independent freedom of civil society under the embracing control of the party-state or else it saw regression in economic rationality as the community or state subjected the economy to their traditional norms and political calculations.
Instead, partly for normative reasons and partly for strategic reasons to prevent repression from the state or USSR invasion , opposition movements in Eastern Europe and throughout the world sought not to take over the government but only to strengthen the forms of freedom in a modern civil society, that is, forms of solidarity, free communicative interaction, and active democratic participation in autonomous publics and a plurality of associations.
The goal—Arato argued for Eastern Europe, but soon extended this model to the West—should be the protection and indeed the strengthening of civil society and its democratization and institution building separate from the strategic instrumental logics and power hierarchies of the state and capitalist economy.
In the late s into the s and beyond, the problematic of civil society spread across Europe, Latin American and Asia as a powerful theory and ideal that could guide social movements in obtainable advances in freedom.
Here too Arato drew heavily on the work of Habermas, especially Habermas's book on the rise and decline of the public sphere.
With this three-part model of ideal social organization — state, economy and civil society — Arato could make the idea of civil society and its strengthening a critical tool in Western capitalist societies.
Between his initial and articles on Poland and civil society, a full decade passed before he and Jean Cohen issued their magnum opus: Civil Society and Political Theory.
Despite its late publication and its intimidating size at pages, the volume quickly became popular. In October , Google Scholar listed over 2, publications citing the book.
During this time, Arato remained associated with the radical journal Telos. However, the relevance and vitality of the category of civil society for the West became an object for vigorous dispute at Telos , most especially by Paul Piccone , the journal's pugnacious editor.
The unique nature of the transitions and the powerful intellectual and political issues of writing a new constitution soon became Arato's prime target of intellectual investigation.
He closely followed the political debate surrounding the drafting of constitutions in Hungary, where he maintained continued with such critical intellectuals as Janos Kis, co-founder and first chair of the Alliance of Free Democrats, Hungary's liberal party until In —97, Arato served as a consultant for the Hungarian Parliament on constitutional issues.
In the ensuing years, he published commentary and analysis of constitutional issues in Nepal, Turkey, South Africa and Iraq after the U.
He believed that this particular form of constitution making had pronounced advantages politically and normatively over the traditional model.
According to Arato, the post-sovereign model typically entailed a two-stage process of transition from dictatorship to constitutional democracy.
I First were initial roundtable negotiations with the power holders and all significant social voices. This negotiation established the ground rules for the subsequent stage, II where an elected assembly wrote the new constitution.
A constitutional court gave significant overview to the process ensuring that the constitutional assembly abided by the ground rules of the roundtable.
Ideally, Arato argued, the process should be characterized by broad social inclusion , equality, transparency and publicity. By "post sovereignty," Arato meant that the creation of the constitution abandoned the mythology that it was being issued by the people themselves as ultimate sovereign authority, speaking directly in an unmediated form.
A few months after, he looked himself up again and discovered more photos, including one of his face pasted on all four faces of Mount Rushmore.
These were the early stages of an internet meme. He stated that closing down a webpage would not really work, as the meme content could soon respawn, so after six years, he accepted his meme status.
He hoped that everyone would forget about using his photos, but that didn't happen. He still thought that everyone would forget about the photos, but an internet user found out his true identity and emailed him, stating that there were many users who believed that he was not a real living person.
After a few hours, the photo has been seen by over ten thousand users as well as the international media. The photographer who took the stock photos asked him to smile.
Many users saw his smile as fake, masking sorrow, hence the name "Hide the Pain Harold". In the photos, he stated he got tired of smiling too much.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Not to be confused with Andrew Arato. This article uses Western name order when mentioning individuals. VAOL in Hungarian.
Retrieved 4 March